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June 03, 2005
I guess we can add Sidney Blumenthal to the ever-growing roster of Power Line readers. He took offense at a post we did yesterday that consisted of an email exchange between one of our readers and Blumenthal, to which I added some commentary. At the risk of boring those who remember the original post, I will reproduce it here to give context to Mr. Blumenthal's response: Former Clinton apparatchik Sidney Blumenthal is better known by the well-earned moniker of Sid Vicious. He now plies his trade in the pages of Britain's far-left Guardian. Sid Vicious addressed the filibuster with his usual subtlety in his May 26 column: "Bush's war comes home." The Guardian subhead reads, "His dream of dominating every government institution in tatters, the US president is already plotting his revenge." Blumenthal even goes so far as to peddle the image of Robert Byrd as a cornpone constitutionalist:Over the weekend, two elders, Senator Robert Byrd, Democrat of West Virginia, and Senator John Warner, Republican of Virginia, pored over the federalist papers, written by the constitutional framers, to refresh their thinking about the inviolability of the Senate. Earlier today, Blumenthal sent us this email: I appreciate your attention to my column and the questions raised about President Bush's judicial nomination in the light of the treatment of President Clinton's nominations. Let's pause for just a moment on the "vituperative name-calling," then move on to the merits. This is how Blumenthal began his Guardian column on the filibuster: President Bush's drive for absolute power has momentarily stalled. In a single coup, he planned to take over all the institutions of government. By crushing the traditions of the Senate he would pack the courts, especially the supreme court, with lockstep ideologues. Sheer force would prevail. But just as his blitzkrieg reached the outskirts of his objective, he was struck by a mutiny. Talk about vituperation! We are amateurs compared to Blumenthal. For a short course on why Sid is widely known as Sid Vicious, check out this Slate piece by Michael Isikoff, titled, "Insidious Sid: Sid Blumenthal rearranges facts and besmirches the character of his fellow journalists. And he wonders why people dislike him." On to the merits. When we left off, our reader had pointed out that Blumenthal had offered only the example of Richard Paez, which was insufficient to support his claim that "most Republicans" filibustered "Clinton's court nominees, 65 of which were blocked..." Blumenthal's email makes no response to this obviously vital point. Our reader went on to point out that even Richard Paez was not fiilibustered by the Republicans; I added that based on the roll call, the Republicans evidently could have filibustered Paez, but chose not to do so. Blumenthal's email makes no response to these points. Instead, he simply refers us to a political speech by Dianne Feinstein that sums up the Democratic Party's talking points on the issue. Feinstein argues that any nominee who doesn't receive a vote is "filibustered," and therefore, the Republicans "filibustered" various Clinton nominees. This is simply wrong. There are various ways in which a President's nominees can be blocked. Most commonly, the Senate majority can bottle them up in committee. This happened to a number of Clinton's nominees, just as it happened to some of President Reagan's, the first President Bush's, and George W. Bush's during the time the Democrats controlled the Senate. Bottling up nominees in this way may or may not be a good thing, but it isn't a filibuster. There is also a tradition in the Senate that federal judicial nominees are vetted by the Senators from the state where the judges will sit. If a Senator disapproves of a nominee or potential nominee, he has historically had the privilege of "blue slipping" that nominee. Again, you may or may not approve of this Senate tradition--I don't--but it is not a filibuster. Finally, the Senate's rules allow even a single Senator to block action on the floor for some period of time. Again, whether you like this rule or not--I don't--it isn't a filibuster. Dianne Feinstein misrepresents the facts by conflating all of the above rules and practices under the rubric of "filibuster." This is wrong: a filibuster occurs when a bill or nominee has passed to the Senate floor, and a minority of Senators, numbering 41 or more since the rule was last amended in the late 1960s, refuses to permit cloture so as to allow a vote on the bill or the nominee to go forward. Feinstein offers not a single example where any judicial nominee of Bill Clinton's was ever filibustered, contrary to Blumenthal's extravagant claim. If you doubt that I have correctly described the universal use of the term "filibuster," ask yourself this question: Isn't it true that everyone (including every Democratic Senator) understood that the Constitutional option advocated by the Majority Leader would change Senate rules so as to abolish the filibuster for judicial nominees? Yes, that is obviously true. But would the Constitutional option have made any change in the "blue slip" custom? None. Would it have changed the rule that allows a single Senator to derail proceedings, at least temporarily? No. And, most important, would it have changed the ability of the Senate majority to bottle up nominations in committee? Not a bit. These differences are fundamental and important. Whether you like the practice of holding nominees up in committee or not--I don't--the Senate majority has the Constitutional right and power, under the advice and consent clause, to defeat Presidential nominees. A Senate minority has no such Constitutional power. There is no 60-vote requirement to confirm a judge in the Constitution. That is a difference so fundamental that to conflate the two practices under the heading of "filibuster" is not only contrary to the universal use of the term, it is Constitutionally ridiculous. And, finally, this point: let's take Dianne Feinstein and Sidney Blumenthal at their word. Let's agree with them that all of these practices are equally bad. Let's stipulate that no nominee should be "blue slipped," that no single Senator should be able to hold up proceedings on the floor, that the minority should not be able to filibuster, and the majority should not be able to stall nominations in committee. The principle we've now agreed on is that every judicial nominee should receive an up or down vote on the Senate floor--which is exactly the compromise that Bill Frist proposed. No more nominees stalled in committee, no more nominees filibustered on the floor. Fair enough, but the Democrats wouldn't agree. Why? Because they want to preserve their ability to block Republican nominees both when they are in the majority, and when they are in the minority. The hypocrisy of Dianne Feinstein, Sidney Blumenthal, and the Democratic Party on this issue is breathtaking. So, to wrap up: Sidney Blumenthal was unable to respond to our emailer's questions or to the facts I presented. He offered neither a single fact nor any argument in his own defense. What he wrote in the Guardian was untrue. It will be interesting to see whether a correction will be forthcoming. UPDATE: Poor Sidney strikes out. Blumenthal was unable to defend his attack on the Republicans in the Senate, and unable to respond with a single fact or a single argument to our deconstruction of his position. Instead, he sent the following email: Dear John Hinderaker Yes, Sidney, we acknowledged that both Republicans and Democrats have, in the past, blocked judicial nominees. Your chart simply summarizes the information in Feinstein's speech, which we have already responded to above, and adds nothing to the argument. The chart is also misleading to the extent that it fails to reflect the historic practices of both parties. We pointed out above that the Democrats' current blocking of judicial nominees through the filibuster, in effect requiring a super-majority for confirmation, is unprecedented. Your response to our point? You didn't make one, and your chart confirms that the Republicans did not flibuster a single judicial nominee during the Clinton administration. You earlier claimed that the Republicans filibustered Richard Paez. We explained why that allegation was incorrect. Your response? You didn't make one. We pointed out that there is a vital Constitutional difference between the blocking of a nominee by a Senate majority and the blocking of a nominee by a Senate minority via filibuster. Your response? You didn't make one. We noted that the Republicans have proposed a compromise pursuant to which ALL nominees would receive a vote, regardless of who controls the Senate, but the Democrats refused to go along because they want to preserve the ability to block nominees whether they are in the majority or the minority. Your response? You didn't make one. Your position is untenable, and your chart doesn't address any fact at issue. If you have anything to say that in any way refutes the points we've made, let's hear it. So far, you've come up with nothing. |